China’s Government Loses An Old Friend With Ouster Of Mugabe

(THIS ARTICLE IS COURTESY OF GLOBAL VOICES)

 

How Chinese See the Fall of Their Country’s Old Friend Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe

Chinese president Xi Jinping welcomed Zimbabwe President Mugabe's visit in August 2014. Photo from Xinhua.

Chinese President Xi Jinping welcomed Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe during a visit in August 2014. Photo from Chinese state news agency Xinhua.

As political and military forces in Zimbabwe moved to push longtime President Robert Mugabe from power, Chinese were watching the path of removal of a man many described as a dictator with interest.

Mugabe, 93, has ruled Zimbabwe for more than 30 years since the country’s independence from British colonial rule until today. When the majority of western countries started to sanction Zimbabwe for Mugabe’s land seizure policy and human rights abuses in the early 2000s, China stepped in and became Mugabe’s most important ally.

Throughout the years, relations between Zimbabwe and China have grown closer through loans, construction and investment projects and diplomatic visits. Between 2010 and 2015, China granted Zimbabwe over US$1 billion in loans.

Such financial support has led Zimbabwe’s opposition party to accuse Beijing of aiding Mugabe and stealing billions from the country with illicit trade in the diamond industry. And, in fact, Zimbabwe’s economy has been deteriorating under Mugabe’s regime, and corruption is a serious problem. At the start of November Mugabe sacked his vice president, Emmerson Mnangagwa, in a move to seemingly position his own wife Grace Mugabe to take over the presidency.

The situation culminated on November 15, 2017 when the military took control of the country. Tens of thousands of Zimbabweans poured into streets of the capital Harare to celebrate and chanted anti-Mugabe slogans like “Mugabe must go” and “No to Mugabe dynasty”. ZANU-PF removed Mugabe as leader of the ruling party, pulling Mnangagwa into the spot, and threatened to impeach Mugabe if he didn’t step down as president.

So far, however, Mugabe has refused to resign till today.

‘Such an old friend was not reliable’

Quite a number of international media outlets have speculated China’s involvement in the Zimbabwean coup as the military action took place just three days after the commander of the Zimbabwe army, Constantino Chiwenga, returned from a visit to China.

On popular social media platform Weibo, many Chinese netizens have also repeated the theory:

The chief of the coup just returned from China. The coup happened soon after the return, draw your own conclusion.

The old friend has become very old and easily influenced by his wife. His wife had many negative remarks about China. Just two years ago, this old friend even said the country’s poor economy was thanks to China. Such an old friend was not reliable. The new guys graduated from the Shijiazhuang Army Academy.

Zimbabwe has sent its military officials to China for training since the 1960s and reportedly, former Vice President Mnangagwa was also trained by the Chinese People’s Liberation Army.

‘An African version of the crackdown on the Gang of Four’

Beyond possible Chinese influence on the coup, many netizens saw parallels between the situation in Zimbabwe and a certain period of China’s own history — the arrest of the “Gang of Four” by the military on October 6, 1976, a month after former state leader Mao Zedong’s death.

The gang’s leading figure was Mao’s last wife, Jiang Qing. The comment below is one of the most popular on Weibo:

This incident is basically an African version of the crackdown on the Gang of Four.

Just as Mao Zedong was considered a founding father of the People’s Republic of China, Mugabe was viewed as a great leader who played a central role in liberating Zimbabwe from British colonial rule.

Even given the damage inflicted on the country’s economy and the human rights abuses that have happened under Mugabe, he was appointed as the chairman of the 54-state African Union in 2015.

‘The nature of an undemocratic country is like a prison’

Many comments on Twitter said Mugabe’s fall demonstrates the power of the people. For example, @twiqiang08 wrote:

津巴布韦人民撕毀他们曾经的“伟大领袖、伟大舵手、伟大导师、红太阳”穆加贝的巨幅画像。

评: 人民一旦觉醒,所有的“伟大”都会荡然无存,独裁者就会像垃圾一样被扫进历史垃圾堆!

People in Zimbabwe tear down huge portrait of Mugabe, their once “great leader, great captain, great teacher and red sun”. Comment: When people wake up, all “greatness” will vanish, the dictator will be relegated to the dustbin of history.

The description of “great leader, great captain, great teacher and red sun” were used to describe Mao Zedong. Recently, Chinese-state affiliated media outlets have started calling President Xi Jinping as “great leader” after the 19th national congress of the CCP and recently used more than 15,000 Chinese words to explain why “Xi is the unrivaled helmsman who will steer China toward this great dream”.

On Weibo, one user was skeptical of the euphemism of “people’s power” as dictators are often endorsed by “people” in the first place:

The so-called “people” are just cheering squads, people throughout the whole world are the same. When Mugabe came into power, they cheered and took him as savior. Eventually he turned them all into billionaires (because of the devaluation of currency) and their average lifespan was reduced from 60s to 30s. [According to World Bank report, the life expectancy of Zimbabwe had dropped from 62 years in mid-1980s to 40 years old in 2002 and 2003. In recent years the figure is back to 59.] Now that he has fallen, they cheer again.

But Twitter user @huangmeijuan pointed out that the cheering crowds are forced to endorse dictators because there is no room for dissent:

今天的津巴布韦街头,到处是”穆加贝滚蛋‘’ 的口号!人民不需要伟大领袖。
伟大领袖消失了,并没有天下大乱,也没有军阀混战,以前专门镇压示威游行的警察,早就躲得远远的,一个都没有出来。因此,不是民主的国家本质就是一座大监狱,所谓的伟大领袖只是监狱狱长而已。

Today, slogans like “Mugabe must go”, “People don’t need a great leader” have occupied Zimbabwe’s streets. Now that the great leader has gone, the country has not fallen into chaos or warlordism. The police responsible for the rally crackdowns of the past have run away, no one has shown up. The nature of a undemocratic country is like a prison and the great leader is just a prison guard.

Chinese political dissidents on Twitter expressed wishful thinking about which authoritarian leader would fall next. @BaiqiaoCh said:

又一个臭名昭著的大独裁者被轰下台了。津巴布韦发生政变,93岁的总统穆加貝被赶下台。穆加貝跟中共关系非常密切,2015年还闹剧般地获得过中共颁发的孔子和平奖。下一个被政变下台的会是谁呢?北朝鲜的金胖子还是西朝鲜的习包子?太令人期待了!

Another notorious dictator has fallen. 93-year-old Mugabe was forced to step down in a coup in Zimbabwe. Mugabe has close relation with the Chinese Communist Party and in 2015 he was even awarded with the Confucian Peace Prize. Which [dictator] would be the next to step down in a coup? North Korea Fatty Kim or West Korea [meaning China] Xi the bun? Am so eager to see this happen.

North Korea and China announce visit by Xi Jinping envoy

(THIS ARTICLE IS COURTESY OF THE GUARDIAN NEWS AND THE NORTH KOREAN NEWS ‘DPRK’)

 

North Korea and China announce visit by Xi Jinping envoy

Unclear if illegal nuclear program is on the agenda after Donald Trump asked Chinese president to put pressure on neighbor

Donald Trump has called on Xi Jinping to rein in North Korea.
 Donald Trump has called on Xi Jinping to rein in North Korea. Photograph: Andy Wong/AP

A senior Chinese diplomat will visit North Korea from Friday as a special envoy of Chinese President Xi Jinping, Beijing has said, without revealing whether it is about North Korea’s nuclear and ballistic missile programmes.

China has pushed for a diplomatic solution to the crisis but in recent months has had only limited high-level exchanges with North Korea. The last time China’s special envoy for North Korea visited the country was in February 2016.

In a brief dispatch, the official Xinhua news agency said Song Tao, who heads the Communist party’s external affairs department, would “inform the DPRK of the 19th CPC National Congress and visit the DPRK”. CPC refers to China’s recently concluded Communist party congress at which Xi further cemented his power.

North Korea’s KCNA news agency confirmed the visit but said only that it would take place “soon”.

The trip will come a week after Donald Trump visited Beijing as part of a lengthy Asia tour where he pressed for greater action to rein in North Korea, especially from China, with which North Korea does 90% of its trade.

It is not clear how long Song could stay but he has already visited Vietnam and Laos to inform them of the results of the Congress, a typical courtesy China extends other communist countries after such important meetings.

It is also unclear where Song will meet the North Korean leader, Kim Jong-un.

Kim and Xi exchanged messages of congratulations and thanks to the Chinese party congress but neither has visited the other’s country since assuming power.

Song’s department is in charge of the party’s relations with foreign political parties and has traditionally served as a conduit for Chinese diplomacy with North Korea.

A department official said in October that China’s Communist party continued to hold talks and maintain contacts with its North Korean counterpart, describing the two countries’ friendship as important for regional stability.

China’s new special envoy for North Korea, Kong Xuanyou, who took up his position in August, is not believed to have visited the country yet.

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China stands by its North Korea plan, contradicting Trump

(THIS ARTICLE IS COURTESY OF THE HINDUSTAN TIMES)

 

China stands by its North Korea plan, contradicting Trump

Beijing has long campaigned for a “dual-track approach” in which the United States would halt military drills in the region while North Korea would freeze its weapons programmes.

WORLD Updated: Nov 16, 2017 20:15 IST

Press Trust of India, Beijing
US President Donald Trump takes part in a welcoming ceremony with China's President Xi Jinping in Beijing, China.
US President Donald Trump takes part in a welcoming ceremony with China’s President Xi Jinping in Beijing, China.(REUTERS)

China denied Thursday that it has abandoned its long-standing proposal to ease the North Korean nuclear crisis after US President Donald Trump suggested Beijing had agreed to drop the policy.

Beijing has long campaigned for a “dual-track approach” in which the United States would halt military drills in the region while North Korea would freeze its weapons programmes.

But Trump suggested Wednesday following his five-nation trip to Asia, which included meetings with President Xi Jinping in Beijing, that the Chinese leader had ditched the plan.

“President Xi recognizes that a nuclear North Korea is a grave threat to China,” Trump said. “And we agreed that we would not accept a so-called ‘freeze for freeze’ agreement like those that have consistently failed in the past.”

But Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Geng Shuang said Beijing’s position on the nuclear issue remained “consistent and clear-cut”.

“We think that under the current circumstances, the suspension for suspension initiative is the most realistic, feasible, fair and reasonable plan,” Geng told a news briefing when asked about Trump’s comment.

“It can not only ease the current tense situation but also solve the most pressing security concerns for all parties, provide opportunities and create conditions for resuming peace talks and find a breakthrough to get out of the stalemate,” he said.

“We hope all relevant parties can have an earnest approach and give a positive consideration to the good faith of the Chinese side,” Geng said, adding that using military force was “not an option” to resolve the crisis.

Xi is sending a special envoy, Song Tao, to North Korea on Friday. Although Song’s mission is officially to brief North Korea about China’s recent Communist Party congress, analysts say he will likely discuss the nuclear issue.

Chinese Power Grab: Will China’s Rise As A Global Power Also Be Self-defeating?

(THIS ARTICLE IS COURTESY OF THE ‘WASHINGTON OUTSIDER.ORG AND THE BLOG SITE OF MATTHEW GEIGER>CHINA DEBATE)

 

China Blinks on South Korea, Making Nice After a Year of Hostilities

(THIS ARTICLE IS COURTESY OF THE KOREAN TIMES AND THE NEW YORK TIMES)

 

China Blinks on South Korea, Making Nice After a Year of Hostilities

November 2, 2017

By JANE PERLEZMARK LANDLER and CHOE SANG-HUN

Xi Jinping at the Communist Party Congress in Beijing last month. The Chinese president smoothed relations with South Korea on Tuesday.  Credit Frayer/Getty Images

BEIJING — For more than a year, China has railed against South Korea, calling for boycotts of its products over Seoul’s decision to let the United States deploy an anti-missile system, which Beijing fears threaten its own security.

On Tuesday, however, China abruptly changed course, essentially saying “never mind,” as the two countries agreed to end their dispute even though South Korea is keeping the system in place.

China’s unexpected move to settle the rancorous dispute could scramble President Trump’s calculations about how to deal with allies and North Korea on the eve of his first trip to Asia.

The decision, by the newly empowered Chinese president, Xi Jinping, appeared to reflect a judgment that China’s continued opposition to the deployment of the American missile defense system was not succeeding in fraying the South Korean government’s alliance with Washington.

But it could also pose a fresh challenge to Mr. Trump, as he attempts to build support in the region to put greater pressure on North Korea to curb its nuclear and missile programs.

South Korea’s liberal president, Moon Jae-in, is more receptive to diplomacy with the North Koreans than either Mr. Trump or Japan’s prime minister, Shinzo Abe. Drawing Mr. Moon closer to Beijing, analysts said, could create a new alignment on how to deal with the North, with China and South Korea facing off against Japan and the United States.

“It’s going to undermine the Trump administration’s effort to build solidarity among the U.S., Japan, and Korea to put pressure not only on North Korea but on China to do more on North Korea,” said Michael J. Green, an Asia expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

Much about the rapprochement is not known, Mr. Green cautioned, and the Chinese could be exaggerating the implications of the agreement. But it adds yet another volatile element to Mr. Trump’s 12-day, five-nation tour of Asia, which begins this weekend.

Formally, the Trump administration welcomed news of the thaw. The State Department spokeswoman, Heather Nauert, told reporters on Tuesday, “We see that as providing better stability, greater stability for a region that desperately needs it because of North Korea.”

Ms. Nauert, however, said she did not know whether China’s move indicated it no longer had objections to the deployment of the antimissile system, the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense, or Thaad.

The White House has not publicly addressed the rapprochement. A senior administration official, who asked for anonymity to discuss a sensitive diplomatic issue, acknowledged it could complicate matters, but said there should be no inherent conflict in South Korea restoring its relations with China while at the same time pushing to keep maximum pressure on North Korea.

Photo

The Terminal High Altitude Area Defense equipment was installed in September in Seongju, South Korea, over China’s protests. Credit Yohnap, via Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

In restoring better relations with South Korea, Mr. Xi appeared to have decided that he could afford to blink. But he also does not face a vigorous political opposition or press, which could accuse him of flip-flopping on the issue.

Even under Mr. Moon, whose outlook toward China had been more favorable than his predecessor’s and who has called for a more balanced diplomacy between Beijing and Washington, Mr. Xi made no headway in achieving his stated goal of stopping the deployment of the Thaad.

A second phase of the missile defense system, intended to defend South Korea from the escalating nuclear and missile threats from North Korea, was installed despite China’s protests in September, just four months after Mr. Moon took office. China had insisted it would not tolerate Thaad’s powerful radar so close to its own missile systems.

Mr. Xi’s tough stance against South Korea also included the informal, though punishing, economic boycott that helped reinforce the American relationship with Seoul, undermining China’s long-term goal of replacing the United States as the pre-eminent power in Asia.

“This is the reversal of an ineffective and costly policy on the part of China,” said Shi Yinhong, professor of international relations at Renmin University of China.

In agreeing to restore cordial relations, South Korea pledged not to accept additional Thaad launchers and agreed not to join a regional missile defense system with the United States and Japan. The agreement not to accept any more Thaad deployments had been a longstanding policy stance of Mr. Moon anyway, a South Korean government official said on Wednesday.

South Korea also promised not to join a trilateral military alliance with the United States and Japan. Mr. Moon, like his predecessors, had shown no interest in expanding military relations with Japan, its former colonial master.

With the increased threat from North Korea, Mr. Moon had aligned himself more closely with Mr. Trump and Mr. Abe.

The three leaders met on the sidelines of the Group of 20 summit meeting in Germany in July and agreed to enhance their defense capabilities against the North Korean threat.

In warming up to South Korea, Mr. Xi probably recognized that Mr. Moon would be more malleable to favoring dialogue with North Korea than was his conservative predecessor, Park Geun-hye.

At the recent party congress in which he was elevated to a second five-year term as president, Mr. Xi showed himself determined to project China’s power in a “new era.” Resolving the North Korea crisis dovetails with that theme, and any move toward talking with the North would be easier with Mr. Moon by his side.

South Korea and China announced their decision to restore relations just before Mr. Trump’s visit.

The timing was interpreted in Beijing as a way to blunt some of the impacts of the American president’s stop in Seoul, where he is expected to deliver a speech to the National Assembly.

Photo

President Moon Jae-in of South Korea, President Trump and Prime Minister Shinzo Abe of Japan in Hamburg, Germany, in July for a Group of 20 summit meeting. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

Indeed, the rapprochement between China and South Korea carries risks for the United States. How far Mr. Moon would now lean toward China is something that Washington needs to watch closely, said Evans J. R. Revere, a former State Department official who has dealt with the Korean Peninsula.

In agreeing not to join a regional missile defense system, South Korea is addressing China’s concerns about what it views as the United States’ aim to “contain” China.

“Beijing was worried that Thaad would eventually be succeeded by ‘son of Thaad’ — a regional missile defense system involving the United States, South Korea and Japan and others that would be aimed at dealing with China’s offensive missile force, unlike the current Thaad, which it is not,” Mr. Revere said.

For Mr. Moon, the Chinese government’s efforts to discourage the purchase of popular South Korean goods as punishment for the Thaad deployment has taken a toll. China is by far the biggest trading partner of South Korea; two-way trade is bigger than South Korea’s trade with the United States and Japan combined.

The Hyundai Research Institute found that the Thaad dispute was likely to have cost South Korea $7.5 billion so far this year, a 0.5 percent hit to its gross domestic product. China lost $880 million, just a 0.01 percent drop of its G.D.P., the institute said.

South Korean car sales plummeted in China. Lotte, the retailer, recently put 112 of its stores in China on the market after customers abandoned it. South Korean movies and cosmetics also suffered.

The government-encouraged boycott — coupled with what was perceived as Beijing’s interference in South Korea’s internal affairs over Thaad — hardened the view of China as a bully among the South Korean people.

“We have seen anti-Chinese sentiments rising in South Korea,” said Seo Jeong-kyung, a professor at the Sungkyun Institute of China Studies in Seoul. “So did the approval ratings for the Thaad deployment, and calls mounted for strengthening the alliance with the Americans.”

Despite the apparent resolution of the standoff between the two countries, there was no guarantee that the accord would stick.

People’s Daily, the official Communist Party newspaper, issued a somewhat friendly, but mostly stern, editorial. “Only proper resolution of the Thaad issue can bring the Sino-Korean relationship back onto the right track,” it said.

It was possible that both sides agreed to resolve their differences so the two leaders, Mr. Xi and Mr. Moon, could meet in Vietnam next week during an Asian economic summit meeting. After that, there is the talk of Mr. Moon visiting China before the end of the year.

“This is a direct result of South Korea’s efforts to mend fences,” said Cheng Xiaohe, an associate professor of international relations at Renmin University. “China also realizes that Thaad should not hold hostage the whole relations between the two nations. But I think the Thaad issue is just shelved, not resolved.”

Jane Perlez reported from Beijing, and Choe Sang-Hun from Seoul, South Korea. Juecheng Zhao contributed research from Beijing.

A version of this article appears in print on November 2, 2017, on Page A4 of the New York edition with the headline: China Blinks on South Korea, Making Nice After a Year of Hostilities. Order ReprintsToday’s Paper|Subscribe

 

Xi Jinping And Kim Jong Un Kiss And Make Friendly (Their True Face Shows)

(THIS ARTICLE IS COURTESY OF THE NORTH KOREAN NEWSPAPER JOONGANG DAILY)

 

Xi responds to Pyongyang’s congratulations

Nov 03,2017

이미지뷰

Chinese President Xi Jinping called for sound and stable ties between Beijing and Pyongyang in a message to the regime’s leader Kim Jong-un, according to North Korean state-run media Thursday.

“I wish that under the new situation the Chinese side would make efforts with the DPRK [Democratic People’s Republic of Korea] side to promote relations between the two parties and the two countries to sustainable soundness and stable development,” Xi said in the message dated Wednesday, according to the North’s official news agency Korean Central News Agency (KCNA), “and thus make a positive contribution to… defending regional peace and stability and common prosperity.”

Xi was responding to a congratulatory message sent by Kim for the successful conclusion of the 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party last week, and expressed his “sincere thanks” to the North Korean leader.

He went onto wish the North Korean people success in the “cause of socialist construction” under the leadership of Kim Jong-un.

Through the party congress, which comes every five years, Xi cemented his grip on power, emerging as possibly the strongest Chinese leader since Mao Zedong.

In a short message on Oct. 25, Kim wished success to Xi and called for relations between North Korea and China to “develop in the interests of the peoples of the two countries.”

Xi’s message was also published on the front page of the North’s official Rodong Sinmun Thursday and comes as ties between North Korea and China have become more strained as Beijing partakes in international efforts to sanction the regime for its nuclear and missile weapons tests and threats.

Kim’s message was considered to be terser than previous ones, reflecting a coolness between the two governments. In the same way, Xi’s message to Kim Wednesday included cautionary terms, such as “defending regional peace and stability.”

The two leaders have yet to meet.

Kim last received a congratulatory message from Xi on July 11, 2016 – 16 months ago – to mark the 55th anniversary of the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance between North Korea and China. It said the two countries planned to boost strategic understanding, promote exchanges and cooperation and continue to develop bilateral relations.

In June 2016, North Korean senior envoy Ri Su-yong headed a large-scale delegation to Beijing and personally delivered a message from Kim to Xi expressing the desire to bolster traditionally friendly relations between the two countries and explaining the results of the Workers’ Party’s seventh congress the previous month.

Xi’s message comes days ahead of U.S. President Donald Trump’s first trip to Asia, which includes stops in Japan, South Korea and China. Trump, who visits China from Nov. 8 to 10, is expected to pressure Beijing to do more to rein in North Korea and push for a better balance in trade.

It also comes as Seoul and Beijing agreed to put bilateral relations back on a “normal track” after a year-long freeze over the deployment of a U.S.-led Terminal High Altitude Area Defense battery in South Korea.

Analysts have pointed out that China is in an awkward position as North Korea continues to launch ballistic missiles and conduct nuclear tests – its latest and most powerful one to date on Sept. 3 – and Washington is demanding Beijing to use more influence on its neighbor.

As its relations have become more strained with China, North Korea has been cooperating more with Russia recently.

“Pyongyang and Beijing relations have become estranged as China has taken part in the international community’s sanctions against North Korea led by the United States,” a government official in Seoul pointed out, “and the exchange of messages on the occasion of the Chinese party congress can serve as an occasion to restore bilateral relations.”

North Korea expert Chin Hee-gwan, a professor at Inje University, told the JoongAng Ilbo Thursday that while Pyongyang and Beijing share an extremely intimate relationship, “The recent congratulatory message and response shows indications of restoration of relations, but the contents show that the usual emphasis of traditional friendly relations is missing. We will have to continue to watch for North Korea’s further provocations or China’s response.”

BY SARAH KIM, JEONG YONG-SOO [[email protected]]

No one can ‘contain’ China: Chinese envoy on US selling arms to India

(THIS ARTICLE IS COURTESY OF THE HINDUSTAN TIMES)

 

No one can ‘contain’ China: Chinese envoy on US selling arms to India

Political analysts in the west have described the sale of arms to India as a US move to contain China.

INDIA Updated: Oct 31, 2017 10:40 IST

Press Trust of India, Washington
US President Donald Trump and China's President Xi Jinping walk along the front patio of the Mar-a-Lago estate after a bilateral meeting in Palm Beach, Florida, US.
US President Donald Trump and China’s President Xi Jinping walk along the front patio of the Mar-a-Lago estate after a bilateral meeting in Palm Beach, Florida, US.(Reuters File Photo)

The Chinese envoy to the US said on Monday that no one could “contain” China now, expressing his displeasure over the formation of an “exclusive club” in the Indo-Pacific region.

Chinese Ambassador to the US Cui Tiankai was responding to questions on the recent India-centric policy speech by US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson and the decision of the Trump administration to sell to India high-tech military equipment, including state-of-the-art armed drones, and the Japanese proposal of a strategic quadrilateral dialogue involving India and Australia.

“I don’t think that the sales of advanced arms would really serve that purpose,” Cui said.

Political analysts in the west have described the sale of arms to India as a US move to contain China.

“By the way I don’t think anybody would be able to contain China,” the Chinese Ambassador asserted in his rare press conference at the Embassy of China here.

The top diplomat was addressing media ahead of US President Donald Trump’s visit to China early next month.

Trump is scheduled to embark on a 10-day visit to China. He would also visit Japan, South Korea, Vietnam and the Philippines.

Cui said China is “open to cooperation among the regional countries” for stability and prosperity.

The relationship between China and India “have been developing quite steadily over the years”.

Chinese President Xi Jinping, he said, has always said that Pacific Ocean is large enough to accommodate that development both of China and the US, and the Asia-Pacific region is big enough to accommodate the development of China, India and Japan.

“In this regard I hope all parties will do things conducive to better relations, better mutual trust,” he said.

Without mentioning the recent stand-off between India and China, Cui said he does not think that “confrontation” is in the interest of either of the two countries.

“I’m quite confident that both countries have a clear recognition of what will serve their respective interests best,” he said, responding to a question on India and the move to have a strategic dialogue involving four countries – India, Japan, US and Australia.

Any relationship between any two countries in the region, between any regional country and another country outside of the region should not be a zero sum game, he said when asked about the strengthening of India US relationship, which many say is aimed at China.

“Good relations between China and the US is not at the expense of any other country. The same should be true for relations between US and India and Japan and India,” he said.

It is not in the interest of these countries if their aim is to sort of “contain” China, the top Chinese diplomat said.

Cui said all the regional countries in the Indo-Pacific have shared interests in greater stability, peace and better prospects for prosperity.

In order to achieve that regional countries have to work together and have to promote closer cooperation among them and maybe establish appropriate regional mechanisms, he said.

As such, China is open to cooperation with all its neighbours so that Asia-Pacific will continue to be a peaceful, stable and prosperous region.

“We are following developments in the region very closely and hopefully other countries will have the same approach as we have,” he said, responding to a question on quadrilateral dialogue between India, Japan, US and Australia.

Cui said he does not think that “any attempt to form exclusive clubs in the region following a so-called zero sum approach will help anybody”.

Read more

China: It Is Obvious Xi’s Jinping’s Road Map Is World Dominance

(THIS ARTICLE IS COURTESY OF THE SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST)

 

OPINION: CHINA CONGRESS – A MULTIPOLAR WORLD GOES OUT OF THE WINDOW

One suspects that what China seeks is not a multipolar Asia and multipolar world, but a hierarchical order where China ‘restores’ its primacy, first in Asia and eventually, the world

BY ASHOK K. KANTHA

After months of speculation and behind-the-scenes jostling, the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China has concluded with outcomes essentially along anticipated lines, with no major surprises. Xi Jinping has emerged with his political authority enhanced; his status as the most powerful Chinese leader in the post-Deng era has been reaffirmed, though it will be premature to put him on par with Mao and Deng.

Xi’s vision for the future of China is now enshrined in the party constitution as part of its guiding ideology. The new Politburo is packed with his close associates, though the Politburo Standing Committee is not dominated by his allies. The shift towards personalised rule of the “core leader” has acquired greater momentum (with its attendant risks), but the concept of collective leadership has not been abandoned. With no potential successor included in the new line-up of the Standing Committee, the possibility of Xi staying on as the paramount leader or as the power behind the throne beyond 2022 is kept open, though it is too early to predict how it would pan out.

One aspect of the results of the Congress that will be closely watched by the international community relates to China’s increasingly explicit “great power” ambitions and its quest for regional and global leadership. In his work report, Xi talked about China becoming “a global leader of composite national strength and international influence” and moving closer to the centre-stage by mid-century. A Xinhua commentary on October 24 put it more candidly: “By 2050, two centuries after the Opium Wars, which plunged the ‘Middle Kingdom’ into a period of hurt and shame, China is set to regain its might and reascend to the top of the world.”

WATCH: Xi Jinping’s marathon speech in 3 minutes

Delegates attend the opening session of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. Photo: Reuters

The narrative is all about the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation” and “restoration” of China to its rightful great power status by mid-century. There is considerable focus on China as a “strong country” or “great power”, phrases which appeared as many as 30 times in Xi’s report. Not surprisingly, building up China’s global combat capabilities gets special attention in Xi’s vision. By 2020, China’s military mechanisation will be achieved; the modernisation of the armed forces will be completed by 2035; and the PLA will be transformed into a world-class military by 2050. Xi also presents an interesting shift from the assurance proffered over past decades that China does not seek to export its model. He has argued that “the Chinese path … offers a new option for other countries and nations who want to speed up their development while preserving their independence, and it offers Chinese wisdom and approach to solving problems facing mankind”.

Analysis: what China’s leadership reshuffle means for Xi’s New Era

While it is to be seen whether China will actively promote its political and economic model worldwide as a counter to the Western model, there is no doubt about its keenness to play a larger role in global governance, positioning itself as a “defender of the international order” and champion of globalisation, even as it seeks to rearrange the global order towards its primacy. The congress also signals that China will intensify its efforts to shape its periphery and forge a “world community of shared destiny” centred on it. Xi’s Belt and Road Initiative is the preferred instrument in this grand strategy and it is now embedded in the party constitution.

Chinese performers celebrate the 19th Party Congress. Photo: AFP

Looking back, we can see that the movement away from Deng’s dictum of hiding capabilities, biding time, keeping a low profile and never claiming leadership gained traction after the global financial crisis of 2008-09, which was seen in China as a manifestation of the West’s decline and thereby offering it a strategic opening to expand its role.

The second phase of China’s quest for regional and global leadership began with Xi’s ascendance to power in 2012 and his Chinese dream. This period has been characterised by China’s readiness to deploy its economic, military, political and diplomatic clout to advance its interests, defined in increasingly expansive and unilateral terms. These interests include territorial claims in the South China SeaDoklam and elsewhere.

A tourist at the national-flag raising ceremony at Tiananmen Square. Photo: Simon Song

We are on the cusp of a third and more assertive phase in China’s pursuit of its great power ambitions. While ‘multipolarity’ was part of Xi’s lexicon at the congress, one suspects what China seeks is not a multipolar Asia and multipolar world but a hierarchical order where China “restores” its primacy, first in Asia Pacific and eventually, globally.

With the US in temporary retreat and the West distracted by internal challenges, China considers this to be another opportunity to take its great power project to the next level in the new era Xi has envisioned. While the Chinese dream is understandable, the manner of its pursuit has generated widespread anxieties, including in India. Some of the signals coming from the 19th Party Congress may deepen these worries. 

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A former ambassador of India to China, the author is Director of the Institute of Chinese Studies and Distinguished Fellow at the Vivekananda International Foundation in New Delhi

China: The Reason For Their Leadership Actions This Week In Beijing

 

This is a short commentary on the events at the Communist Party’s Leadership Congress this week. As almost all folks who pay any attention to the events concerning China know by now there was no ‘next Leader’ chosen at their 19th Congress. President Xi Jinping who has now completed 5 of the 10 year stent as President cemented his leadership role by putting his own people in about 70% of the Congress. President Xi has broken tradition by not selecting his successor at the half way point of his term and he has also been granted authority unseen since the founder of China’s Communist party Chairman Mao. To me, it is very obvious why Mr. Jinping has not selected his successor and that is because there will be no successor until after his death.  If I were a betting person I would bet the farm on the fact that he is now “President/Dictator” for life just like President/Dictator Erdogan of Turkey is. One of the new laws that is as of now in place is that it is now a crime to even say anything negative about President Xi or any of his policies. How do you get rid of a Dictator when you know that if you have any complaint that you will be buried in a prison work camp? There is now only two ways for the people of China to get rid of Mr. Jinping and they both end with his death. One is that he dies in office as a very old man, or two, you put him in his grave yourself. This Dragon is a Devil with a constant smirk on his face toward the people of China and the rest of the world.

China lifts Xi’s status to most powerful leader in decades

(THIS ARTICLE IS COURTESY OF THE WASHINGTON POST)

 

China lifts Xi’s status to most powerful leader in decades


Chinese President Xi Jinping, front row center, leads other cadres to raise their hands to show approval of work reports during the closing ceremony for the 19th Party Congress at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, Tuesday, Oct. 24, 2017. (Andy Wong/Associated Press)
 October 24 at 2:39 AM
BEIJING — The ruling Communist Party on Tuesday formally lifted Xi Jinping’s status to China’s most powerful ruler in decades, setting the stage for the authoritarian leader to tighten his grip over the country while pursuing an increasingly muscular foreign policy and military expansion.The move to insert Xi’s name and dogma into the party’s constitution alongside the party’s founders came at the close of a twice-a-decade congress that gathered the country’s ruling elite alongside rank-and-file party members. It not only places him in the first rank with past leaders Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, but also effectively makes any act of opposing him tantamount to an attack on the party itself.

“The Chinese people and nation have a great and bright future ahead,” Xi told party delegates as the meeting came to a close after delegates approved the addition of Xi’s ideology of “socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era” to the party charter.

“Living in such a great era, we are all the more confident and proud, and also feel the heavy weight of responsibility upon us,” he said.

The concept Xi has touted is seen as marking a break from the stage of economic reform ushered in by Deng Xiaoping in the late 1970s and continued under his successors Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. The placement of Xi’s thought among the party’s leading guidelines also comes five years into his term — earlier than his predecessors.

“In every sense, the Xi Jinping era has begun in earnest,” said Zhang Lifan, an independent political commentator in Beijing. “Only Mao’s name was enshrined in the party ideology while he was still alive. We’re opening something that hasn’t been broached before.”

For centuries, Chinese emperors were accorded ritual names that signaled either they were successors in a dynastic line or the founder of an entirely new dynasty. What Xi accomplished this week was a modern equivalent of the latter, Zhang said.

“He wants to join that pantheon of leaders,” he said.

Despite being elevated to the status of both a political and theoretical authority in the party, Xi still lacks the broad popular support of the Chinese public that Mao had enjoyed, said Zhang Ming, a political analyst in Beijing who recently retired from a prestigious university.

“This (elevation) is a result of the party’s political system and not of the sincere support of the people’s hearts,” Zhang Ming said. “If he can achieve that, he would become Mao.”

Xi has described his concept as central to setting China on the path to becoming a “great modern socialist country” by midcentury. This vision has at its core a ruling party that serves as the vanguard for everything from defending national security to providing moral guidance to ordinary Chinese.

He’s set the target dates of 2021 — the 100th anniversary of the party’s founding — and the People’s Republic’s centenary in 2049 — for the establishment of a prosperous, modern society. China has the world’s second-largest economy and legions of newly wealthy urban residents, but raising living standards for millions of people continues to be a challenge.

Zhang Ming, the retired professor, said the goals Xi laid out were lofty but mostly constituted mere rhetoric. “These goals have nothing to do with the people but are just jargon that people shouldn’t take seriously,” Zhang said. “It is not important for him to achieve these goals, just as long as his power reaches its peak.”

The move came at the close of the 89 million-member party’s twice-a-decade national congress at Beijing’s hulking Great Hall of the People, where nearly 2,300 delegates gathered to elect the party’s leading bodies and hear reports.

Although the delegates nominally have the power to vote on candidates, all choices are carefully vetted and the outcomes decided by negotiations among the top leaders.

The constitution was also amended to include references to the party’s “absolute” leadership over the armed forces, which have been modernizing rapidly under Xi, and a commitment to promote Xi’s signature foreign policy and infrastructure initiative known as “One Belt, One Road.” That initiative seeks to link China to Southeast Asia, Central Asia, Africa, Europe and beyond with a sprawling network of roads, railways, ports and other economic projects.

___

Associated Press writers Gerry Shih and Gillian Wong contributed to this report.

Copyright 2017 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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